Political discourse: Green hatred as a brake – taz.de


Looking ahead means saying goodbye to yesterday, to outdated structures and clichés. Unconditional alliances enable progress.

Party Congress when voting with cards

The Greens: A kind of long-term Protestant Church Congress, here in Bonn in 2022 Photo: Marc John/imago

Hatred of greens seems to me to be a generational issue. I see the phenomenon mostly in men over 50, very often men with an outwardly large ego. A few of them are journalist colleagues – it’s a pity for them, because the hatred of the Greens makes it difficult to argue with them, they become imprecise and comfortable in their thinking and only further heat up an already overheated discourse climate for cheap applause.

A few of them are also old friends – it’s a pity for them too, because they keep letting their thoughts wander down the same tracks. Her hatred of Greens can mostly be traced back to apparently traumatic events involving aggressive dozens of social studies teachers sometime in the 1980s, some of whom also wore parkas and long hair; and it’s a bit sad to see how much these green haters hide behind clichés, because it’s always sad when people erect barricades between themselves and reality.

But what exactly is green hatred? He is definitely distinguishable from the Green skepticism or green angerthat comes from the left and straight back through the Protests in Lützerath has gained new momentum: Here the Greens are a partner in the fight against climate change, which disappoints through realpolitik, government logic or power interests, which is then perceived as betrayal – whereby this pragmatism is the opposite of the Green hater cliché that the Greens are a party , which stiffens in dogmatism, a kind of long-lived evangelical church congress.

This motif forms, at least in journalistic hatred of Greens, a tragi-comically recurring motif – and shows that hatred of Greens is often also self-hatred: in many ways it is one’s own imprinting by the strong cultural German Protestantism that is experienced as disturbing. The Greens are used as a projection surface to publicly celebrate therapy – which politically leads to the funny volte-face that there are anti-Germans from the right who cultivate their hatred of their own milieu in a public-friendly manner, at least when someone is to be insulted.

readjustment of political positions

These journalistic haters of the Greens, individual editors-in-chief or columnists who write as if they were press spokesman for the FDP on the side, act in an extra illiberal way, because pressure, intimidation, personal attacks are not elements of a genuinely democratic practice – and they even see through their hatred of the Greens Not that they are attacking those who embody a different variety of liberalism, with a different understanding of the state than, say, the CDU and SPD, with a strong bourgeois orientation, with a past as a citizens’ movement.

A party that would be more of a partner for a non-ideological FDP and its advocates. Which also makes it clear what a strategic purpose of the auto-aggressive hatred of the Greens is. It’s about keeping the political camps, which have long been disintegrating, artificially separate. It is about transferring the ideological influences of the 20th century to the 21st; it’s about, the new in politics to prevent what would also mean a readjustment of political positions and perspectives:

What is progress, what is the future? And why aren’t the FDP and the Greens allied here in fighting for an electrified country? But anyone who keeps talking about the alleged moralism or the Greens’ lack of a sense of reality naturally fails to see that real change can be shaped through green entrepreneurship and green individualism, that this change has long been underway.

One could now start arguing and arguing here – about the fundamental questions of the future, about the relationship between market, state and freedom, about Sustainability, growth and the good life, via technology, solidarity and renunciation. But you have to be open and not ideological. So it’s actually a discussion about the future disguised as hatred of Greens – and that’s also what incites an old friend of mine, an intelligent person, even if he thinks that the market is the solution to everything. But you can talk about that.

He also thinks that nuclear power plants are a good remedy against climate change and that the climate movement, the climate activists, and above all the Greens as a party are hopelessly closed to the future and obstinate. You can talk about that too. It becomes difficult when those who hate the Greens refuse to accept arguments other than their own; It becomes difficult when resistance to renewable energies such as wind and sun becomes so dogmatic that the country’s future viability is endangered, which those who hate Greens are suing for.

Here we can see the contradiction of a discourse position that has established itself in many respects in the post-factual. The danger of hating Greens is that there is hardly any way out of this impasse. It seems to me that the hatred of Greens is another moment of regression at a time when the new is seen more as a threat than a promise. Those who hate Greens would of course see it the other way around.

But it is a problem for a society that is facing radical changes when the repertoire of future options is artificially reduced. Green haters, who can have a wide variety of motives, do exactly that. In their effect, they combine a refusal of the future, kidding or not, that we can’t afford.

a kind of long-lived evangelical church day



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